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Indictments Accuse 44 in Minnesota of Brazen Pandemic Aid Fraud

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MINNEAPOLIS — The Justice Department said on Tuesday that a federal grand jury had indicted 44 people on charges that they ran a brazen fraud against anti-hunger programs in the course of the coronavirus pandemic, stealing $240 million by billing the federal government for meals they didn’t serve to children who didn’t exist.

The case, in Minnesota, appears to be the most important fraud claim uncovered in any pandemic-relief program, standing out even in a period when heavy federal spending and lax oversight allowed a spree of scams with few recent parallels.

The Minnesota operation, prosecutors said, was especially daring: One accused conspirator told the federal government he had fed 5,000 children a day in a second-story apartment.

Other defendants within the case appeared to put minimal effort into disguising what they were doing, using the web site listofrandomnames.com to create a fake list of youngsters they might charge for feeding. Others used a number-generating program to provide ages for the kids they were supposedly feeding, which led the ages to fluctuate wildly every time the group updated its list of those nonexistent children, court papers said.

But their scheme — details of which were reported in The Latest York Times in March — still pulled in thousands and thousands of dollars per week, prosecutors said in court papers, because government officials had relaxed oversight of the feeding program in the course of the pandemic and since the accused fraudsters had help from a trusted insider.

That insider was Aimee Bock, the founding father of a nonprofit group, Feeding Our Future, that the State of Minnesota relied on as a watchdog to stop fraud at feeding sites. But Ms. Bock did the other, the indictments said: When pandemic-relief programs flooded the programs with money, she exploited her position to usher in nearly 200 latest feeding operations she knew were submitting fake or inflated invoices.

Even when the federal government of Gov. Tim Walz, a Democrat, raised questions, Ms. Bock rebuffed them by filing a lawsuit and accusing state officials of discriminating against her group’s largely East African clientele.

“In effect, Feeding Our Future operated a pay-to-play scheme during which individuals looking for to operate fraudulent sites under the sponsorship of Feeding Our Future needed to chill a portion of their fraudulent proceeds,” one indictment said, in response to a duplicate obtained by The Times.

Ms. Bock was indicted on charges of wire fraud and bribery involving federal programs. Other defendants were also charged with money laundering, for supposedly routing the funds they stole through an online of shell corporations.

The case is probably the most outstanding to be brought by the Justice Department because it scrambles to deal with waves of fraud involving pandemic-era programs that sent billions of dollars of aid into the economy, often with few strings attached and little oversight.

The Labor Department’s inspector general’s office has opened 39,000 investigations. On the Small Business Administration, about 50 agents have been sorting through two million potentially fraudulent loan applications. And while the sheer volume of cases all but ensures that some cases will go unaddressed, the prosecutions in Minnesota signal that the Justice Department is moving aggressively on others.

The indictments said the defendants spent their money on real estate in the USA, Kenya and Turkey, in addition to on cars and luxury goods. The Justice Department is looking for to seize a lot of those purchases, including greater than 20 cars, greater than 40 properties, guns, cryptocurrency and a Louis Vuitton duffel bag.

The indictments are accusations, and lots of of those indicted have said they did nothing fallacious. After a series of F.B.I. searches in January revealed the existence of the investigation, Ms. Bock told The Times that she had put in place strong antifraud measures and didn’t consider anyone in her system had broken the foundations.

If there was fraud, Ms. Bock said then, “every test we have now in place and each protection we have now in place didn’t catch it. Is it possible? Absolutely. And in the event that they got one over on us, I’ll help hold them accountable.”

Also amongst those indicted was a Feeding Our Future worker, Abdikerm Abdelahi Eidleh, who was accused of taking kickbacks from people involved within the scheme. Three other defendants — including one other of the nonprofit’s employees, Hadith Yusuf Ahmed — were charged via “criminal information” relatively than a grand jury indictment.

The state blocked Feeding Our Future from receiving more aid money after the F.B.I. served search warrants within the case in January. The nonprofit sought to dissolve on the time, but Attorney General Keith Ellison of Minnesota, a Democrat, blocked the move. Mr. Ellison asked a judge to supervise the group while he investigated whether it broke state charity laws. That investigation appears to be underway.

As described by prosecutors, the participants targeted two federal food-aid programs, which were administered through state governments. They were intended to feed children in after-school programs and summer camps. But when the pandemic hit, Congress rejiggered the programs to achieve thousands and thousands of youngsters stuck at home, pouring in billions of dollars more and changing the foundations to let families pick up meals to go.

As funding went up, nonetheless, oversight went down: State officials, as an example, not had to ascertain on feeding sites in person.

That left one last line of defense: the so-called watchdog sponsors, like Feeding Our Future. Those nonprofit groups served as conduits for money, from the states to individual feeding sites, and so they were imagined to be on guard against fraud.

However the system also gave those watchdogs a reason to not bark: They may keep 10 to fifteen percent of the cash that flowed through them.

On this case, the indictments said, Ms. Bock’s group kept the cash flowing to extend its own cut.

“The defendants exploited the Covid-19 pandemic — and the resulting program changes — to complement themselves,” the indictments say.

Feeding Our Future had began before the pandemic as a small sponsor overseeing $3.5 million in funding. It never had an accountant on staff and sometimes struggled with basic governance, even allowing its nonprofit status to run out for a time.

But by 2021, Feeding Our Future was handling $197 million in annual funding.

Under its umbrella, the indictments said, six different groups began to operate similar frauds. The conspirators would often register latest corporations or nonprofits, then quickly sign them up as feeding operations under the supervision of Feeding Our Future.

Then, the indictments said, the brand new groups would soon report that they were feeding 1000’s of youngsters per day — numbers that put them amongst the largest feeding operations within the state — and started reaping 1000’s or thousands and thousands of dollars in federal payments. In Minneapolis, as an example, a person named Guhaad Hashi Said told the state that he was serving 5,000 meals, twice a day, at a latest facility called Advance Youth Athletic Development.

The location he listed was an unlikely place for anyone to feed children en masse: The address was a second-story apartment.

Mr. Said was considered one of those indicted; the indictment said he was paid $2.9 million out of federal money routed through the state and Feeding Our Future. However the indictment said that Mr. Said provided “only a fraction” of the meals he claimed. In an interview this yr, Mr. Said said that he had never claimed to serve 5,000 meals a day in the primary place.

In 2020, Minnesota officials grew concerned by the speed at which Feeding Our Future was creating latest distribution sites and started giving them more scrutiny.

In November of that yr, the nonprofit responded defiantly, filing a lawsuit that accused state officials of discrimination. The suit said the state was harming children by delaying the beginning of Feeding Our Future’s latest operations. “Daily that goes by, tons of of the state’s most vulnerable children are going without much needed meals,” it said.

Several of the sites where the state had sought to delay operations later became centers of fraud, in response to the indictments.

In response to Feeding Our Future’s lawsuit, a state court judge ruled that Minnesota had not taken the steps crucial to dam the payments. After that, in April 2021, frustrated state officials turned to the F.B.I. — and continued paying Feeding Our Future and its partners while federal agents investigated.

The state “hurried and repeatedly raised the problem to federal authorities until we were in a position to find someone who would take the troubling spending as seriously as we were,” said Kevin Burns, a spokesman for the Minnesota Department of Education, which handled the food-aid money.

Republicans within the State Senate released a report this month, before the indictments were made public, accusing the state’s Education Department of “dereliction of duty” for failing to stop Feeding Our Future sooner.

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