In early April, when my flight arrived at Ferenc Liszt International Airport, László Borsos was waiting for me on the arrivals gate. I hadn’t seen the person in 28 years. I scanned the gang and located him standing there with a wild grin on his face, his glasses dangling elegantly over a white collared shirt.
After a fast hug, and with a wave of his hand, he gestured for me to rush along; he was parked just beyond the sliding glass doors. And so, feeling myself slip back into an old habit, I threw my duffel bag over my shoulder, shook my head in disbelief and did what for 4 years as a toddler had been a part of my each day routine: I followed him outside for a ride through Budapest.
It might be nearly inconceivable to overstate how dramatically the course of my life modified when my family moved to Hungary within the early Nineteen Nineties. Each of my parents grew up in Ohio — my mother in a poor corner of Youngstown, and my father in a middle-class neighborhood within the sleepy town of Dover. Once I was born in 1985, the last of three children, we lived in a small split-level house in Austintown, a suburb of Youngstown. My dad, one in all the few people in my clan with a university degree, was 11 years right into a promising but as-yet unexceptional profession as a finance manager at General Electric. Neither of my parents had ventured removed from their childhood circumstances.
In 1989, though, as political reforms swept through Central and Eastern Europe, General Electric strode into Hungary and purchased a light-bulb manufacturer, Tungsram, then one in all the country’s largest and most iconic brands. The acquisition, orchestrated by Jack Welch, made for front-page news — and my dad, riding the wave of a shocking historical moment, accepted an overseas task to assist introduce capitalist practices to a business with a long-running communist past.
We arrived in Budapest in the summertime of 1990 — with my grandmother improbably in tow — to search out our reality entirely transformed. My brother, sister and I were enrolled in a global school, where, unlike in suburban Ohio, our classmates’ nationalities spanned the globe. My parents, who until then had barely left the US, were soon shepherding us on trips to Krakow, Madrid, Rome. We bought a brand-new Volvo station wagon. And maybe most lavish of all, which to my parents will need to have been a comically unfathomable luxury: General Electric hired us a driver — a person named László, who arrived each morning in his impeccably clean Opel Kadett to ferry my siblings and me across the town to our faculty.
Within the 32 years since then, Hungary has undergone its own dramatic transformation. Once considered essentially the most entrepreneurial and Western-friendly of the previous Eastern Bloc nations, it has, of late, turn into a poster child of nationalism, illiberalism and the erosion of democratic values, offering a political vision that has been emulated in Poland and admired by populist figures in France, Italy and the US.
Hungary’s prime minister, Viktor Orbán, now the longest serving elected leader in Europe, has steadily consolidated power by rewriting the Structure, overhauling election laws to favor his Fidesz party, undermining the independence of the courts and bringing a lot of the country’s media under the control of his political allies. The influence of his autocratic tendencies has also seeped into the country’s civic and cultural life, resulting in the expulsion of a liberal university and affecting the leadership and offerings at theaters and museums.
I sensed among the troubling undercurrents inside minutes of my arrival, when László, on our drive from the airport, began echoing Kremlin-friendly conspiracies in regards to the war in Ukraine, which have been widely disseminated via the state-owned media and pro-government news outlets.
Despite its modest size and economic output (its population, under 10 million, is roughly that of Michigan, and its G.D.P. roughly that of Kansas), Hungary has garnered outsize media attention in recent times due to Mr. Orbán’s self-described illiberal agenda. A variety of Western journalists have descended on its capital and returned either with ominous reports in regards to the country’s lurch toward autocracy or with obsequious interviews extolling Mr. Orbán’s conservative values. Meanwhile, amid the regular stream of polarized dispatches, I felt as if my increasingly distant memories and private impressions of the place were being supplanted by a series of politicized caricatures.
And so, earlier this 12 months, after spending much of the pandemic traveling around the US, I opted to push the bounds of distant work and accept some time in the town where I formed my earliest lasting memories. My hope was that I could retrace certain elements of my childhood, dust off my long-dormant language skills, reconnect with old family friends, assess the town’s political reality and, perhaps most significant, get to know the place — learn its rhythms, appreciate its culture, observe the lifetime of on a regular basis Hungarians — from the loftier perch of maturity.
If Hungary has turn into the European Union’s most defiant state, then Budapest has turn into Hungary’s most defiantly liberal enclave — to the extent that short-term visitors to the town might easily miss the signs of a tense political environment.
The opposition parties are noisy. Protests are commonplace. Partly as a response to the passage of recent anti-L.G.B.T.Q. laws, the Budapest Pride march has drawn huge crowds in recent times, and L.G.B.T.Q.-friendly venues are on the rise. Even the existence of progressive community centers — like Auróra, a social hub that gives a bar and a concert venue and has rented office space to N.G.O.s that concentrate on marginalized groups — suggests a form of political and mental tolerance.
And yet behind lots of the organizations which can be out of step with the ruling party’s politics is a story of instability — regarding funding, legal protection, repute. In line with a 2022 report by the Artistic Freedom Initiative, Hungarian artists and institutions that oppose Fidesz “find it increasingly difficult — and a few speculate even futile — to earn state support without yielding to governmental demands and thus compromising their artistic or personal integrity.”
No contemporary portrait of Budapest could overlook its grandeur: its opulent architecture, its stirring public spaces, its many richly appointed interiors. The bathhouses — Gellért particularly, with its Art Nouveau ornamentation and stunningly beautiful tiles — are among the many city’s most treasured attractions. (Hungary is wealthy with thermal water springs; there are 123 in Budapest alone.)
Other highlights include the Hungarian State Opera House, which reopened this 12 months after an in depth restoration, and the newly minted Museum of Ethnography, a part of an ambitious development project — opposed by local politicians — to remodel Budapest’s primary park right into a must-visit cultural hub for tourists and locals.
Working Recent York hours in Central Europe meant that my days were largely free until 3 p.m. (after which I worked until around 11 p.m.), leaving me with an abundance of time within the mornings and early afternoons to explore the town.
Some days I spent in single-minded pursuit of specific artists: the architectural splendors of Ödön Lechner, whose work has come to define the Hungarian Secession movement, a localized expression of Art Nouveau; or the mosaics and stained-glass art of Miksa Róth, whose legacy is scattered throughout the town.
Other days I spent roaming more freely, poking my head into the charming courtyards of unassuming residential buildings or visiting with former teachers and old family friends.
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On rambles through familiar places, I felt the nostalgic potency of long-ago memories bubbling as much as the surface: Here was the apartment constructing where Balázs Szokolay, our beloved piano teacher, lived along with his mother, a sculptor. Here was our faculty, where, through the Persian Gulf war, the Hungarian police stationed armed guards on the gate. Here was the park where, when curiosity got the most effective of him, my brother ignited his shoelace with a match.
Within the afternoons, my feet sore from walking, I often settled in to work at a restaurant or at one in all the town’s many publicly accessible (and unexpectedly resplendent) libraries.
My favorite pastime, though, was meandering through Budapest’s grand cemeteries: Kerepesi in District 8, Farkasréti in District 12, Kozma Street in District 10. All three lie outside the favored tourist zones, which meant that, coming and going, I got here to understand a broader swath of the town.
I discovered that the cemeteries, crammed with gorgeous statues from a variety of eras, some exhibiting elements of Socialist Realism and others classically suggestive of the life’s work of the people buried beneath them, were microcosms of Budapest itself: trimmed and stately of their well-trafficked stretches, and unkempt at their fringes.
It was the small, quiet moments that I savored essentially the most: at first strolling past, then waving at, then eventually stopping to fulfill Erika Bajkó, who ran a small dog-grooming business across the corner from my apartment near Rákóczi Square; glancing up on the domed ceiling contained in the entranceway to Széchenyi Baths; making an emotionally charged pilgrimage to my old home in Törökvész, a neighborhood within the Buda hills; joining the evening crowds at the center of the Szabadság híd, or Liberty Bridge, where the heavy winds over the Danube helped wash away the late-spring and early-summer heat; studying the poetry of Miklós Radnóti, a celebrated Hungarian author who was murdered within the Holocaust, as I wandered through the neighborhood where he lived.
“I cannot know what this landscape means to others,” begins what is maybe Mr. Radnóti’s most famous poem, accomplished lower than a 12 months before his death in 1944. Touching on themes of patriotism, foreign perception and national identity, it offers an instructive comparison of the appreciations of the land by the native-born poet and a passing enemy airman:
Through his binoculars he sees the factory and the fields,
but I see the employee who trembles for his toil,
the forest, the whistling orchard, the grapes and graves,
among the many graves a grandma, weeping softly,
and what from above is a railway or factory to be destroyed
is only a watchman’s house; the watchman stands outside
holding a red flag, surrounded by several children,
and within the courtyard of the factories a sheepdog frolics;
and there’s the park with footprints of past loves …
If you would like to truly know this place, he appears to be telling us, then be attuned to its details, its people, the enjoyment and suffering hidden in its on a regular basis moments.
At Öcsi Étkezde, a small restaurant really useful to me by Tas Tobias, whose website, Offbeat Budapest, highlights the town from a neighborhood’s perspective, I earned my first Magyar nickname: Pityu, a diminutive of István, the Hungarian type of Stephen.
Charmed by my attempts to order from a menu that lacked any hint of English, Erzsébet Varga, the chef, balked at my alternative of two dishes containing pickled vegetables — they wouldn’t sit well in my stomach, one in all the regulars explained with fun — and as a substitute delivered essentially the most delicious bowl of goulash I’d find anywhere on my trip.
And yet, because the weeks went by, I discovered it increasingly difficult to overlook Hungary’s political backdrop. Nearly the entire young people I met in Budapest expressed a nagging malaise about their country’s future. A couple of, in fact, supported the ruling party, but most were vehemently opposed. Many had friends who, noting the political headwinds and a relative lack of economic opportunity, had departed for Paris, London, Vienna. Others were sticking it out, though the landslide victory by Fidesz within the elections in April — despite an unlikely coalition made up of wildly divergent opposition parties — left them with a gnawing sense of hopelessness.
In mid-May I met András Török, a Budapest-born author and city historian, at a colourful cafe in Lipótváros, or Leopold Town, a historic neighborhood in the middle of the town. His guidebook, “Budapest: A Critical Guide,” updated repeatedly because it was first published in 1989, is as playful because it is insightful and had helped me reacquaint myself with the town. (One other project he manages, Fortepan, which was founded by Miklós Tamási, offers a staggeringly wealthy collection of old Hungarian photographs.)
We spoke briefly in regards to the optimism many locals had experienced within the late ’80s and early ’90s — “Suddenly the colour of ink I utilized in my fountain pen, which I ceremoniously bought in Vienna every 12 months, was available within the corner shop,” he said wistfully — before turning to present-day concerns.
“The victory by Fidesz was so devastating that it’s obvious people want this method,” he said. “It’s an epoch in Hungarian history now,” he added, referring to Mr. Orbán’s tenure.
As a response, he said, lots of those disheartened by the ruling party have taken an inward turn. “I cultivate my very own garden; I write my books,” Mr. Török, who’s 68, said. “I discuss with my grandchildren and to my friends — and I attempt to enjoy my life.”
“And,” he added, “I accept that I won’t ever in my lifetime see the Hungary I’d prefer to see.”
After all, supporters of Mr. Orbán’s, a minority in Budapest but a majority in Hungary overall, don’t express the identical pessimism. On the Ecseri Piac, a flea market in the town’s Kispest district — where, during my childhood, I marveled on the overwhelming assemblage of Soviet memorabilia — I met Erika Román, who was selling a variety of textiles. Declaring her ardent support for Mr. Orbán, she explained that “Hungary is somewhat country,” and that “Hungary is for Hungarians.”
Behind that sentiment, which is widely popular throughout the country, lies the assumption that true Hungarian identity — threatened by globalist progressives and immigrants from the Middle East and Africa, whom Mr. Orbán considers to be existential threats to the European lifestyle — is inextricably certain with race and religion.
“There are more people living in Recent York City than in your complete country of Hungary,” the conservative author Rod Dreher points out in a recent article, “which is partly why the Hungarians are so anxious about being assimilated out of existence.”
The more I reflected on Hungary’s autocratic turn, the more I used to be haunted by something Mr. Török mentioned during our digressive conversation in May.
To experience Hungary’s transformation from totalitarianism to free democracy within the late ’80s and early ’90s, he said, was a beautiful thing. “Earlier I’d thought that I had been born on the flawed time,” he said. “But then I noticed: Oh! I used to be born at the correct time in spite of everything!”
And yet he had “a type of secret fear at the back of my mind,” he said, that the transformation had happened entirely too quickly — so quickly, as others have argued, that Hungarians, having lived for 40 years behind the Iron Curtain, weren’t given enough time to understand or internalize their rights and responsibilities as residents of a democracy.
“We looked as if it would have been given a free lunch by Gorbachev and Reagan,” he said. “And I believe we’re learning now, one way or the other, that there isn’t a such thing as a free lunch.”
How much, I started to wonder, had General Electric’s quick entry into Eastern Bloc markets — which, despite high hopes, quickly led to labor tensions and slashed payrolls and ultimately proved to be more fraught than expected — helped hasten Hungary’s too-rapid transformation? How much had the frenzied reach of American capitalism helped set the stage for Mr. Orbán’s rise?
How much, I wondered, had that earlier tide of history helped shape today’s?
In late May, I caught wind — through 444.hu, a self-consciously edgy news site, and, alongside Telex and HVG, one in all Hungary’s few remaining independent outlets — that a sprawling field of poppies had bloomed in District 15, near the sting of the town. I hopped on a bus for the 40-minute ride, gazing out the window as we wended our way through timeworn residential areas and past Soviet-era panel housing estates.
Exiting the bus near a reduction food market, I looked out across its parking zone and saw an enormous sea of sensible red petals that stretched for half a mile toward the M3 motorway.
The flowers, in fact, weren’t long for this world — merely a momentary splash of vibrancy in Budapest’s weary periphery. Nor was the sphere itself destined to last: It might soon be paved to make room for a housing development.
How fitting, I assumed, since transience, in the long run, was one in all Hungary’s abiding lessons. After my family moved back to Ohio, where the homogeneous suburban scene accentuated the richness of the culture we’d left behind, I learned that the one constant I could depend on was the promise of constant change. A lot simply faded away. My parents divorced. My international-school friends scattered like seeds. My grandmother was withered by cancer. In time, Tungsram would decay, as would General Electric, as would the influence of Western liberalism.
But Budapest, in my memory, stands like a land before time. Little question that’s why I feel such a connection to the place. Little question that’s why it seems like home.
Standing on the outskirts of Budapest, watching the poppies dance within the wind and contemplating the ephemerality of this age-old city, I used to be reminded of a quote from Péter Molnár Gál, a Hungarian critic, that I’d read in Mr. Török’s guidebook.
“In Budapest,” he writes, “you possibly can’t dunk your bread in the identical sauce twice. Town goes through a time of transition. Because it has been doing for five hundred years.”
By then, I believe, wrestling with the past and the current, I’d begun to see the central query about Hungary’s future as one which posits pessimism and optimism as equally naïve: If the historical tides of the last 30 years are anything of a guide, then how could we ever hope to know what the subsequent tide will bring?