WASHINGTON (AP) — Sen. Kyrsten Sinema, the Arizona Democrat who single-handedly thwarted her party’s longtime goal of raising taxes on wealthy investors, received nearly $1 million over the past 12 months from private equity professionals, hedge fund managers and enterprise capitalists whose taxes would have increased under the plan.
For years, Democrats have promised to boost taxes on such investors, who pay a significantly lower rate on their earnings than extraordinary staff. But just as they closed in on that goal last week, Sinema forced a series of changes to her party’s $740 billion election-year spending package, eliminating a proposed “carried interest” tax increase on private equity earnings while securing a $35 billion exemption that may spare much of the industry from a separate tax increase other huge corporations now need to pay.
The bill, with Sinema’s alterations intact, was given final approval by Congress on Friday and is predicted to be signed by President Joe Biden next week.
Sinema has long aligned herself with the interests of personal equity, hedge funds and enterprise capital, helping her net not less than $1.5 million in campaign contributions since she was elected to the House a decade ago. However the $983,000 she has collected since last summer greater than doubled what the industry donated to her during all of her preceding years in Congress combined, in keeping with an Associated Press review of campaign funds disclosures.
Sinema Campaign Donations
The donations, which make Sinema considered one of the industry’s top beneficiaries in Congress, serve a reminder of the best way that high-power lobbying campaigns can have dramatic implications for the best way laws is crafted, particularly within the evenly divided Senate where there are not any Democratic votes to spare. Additionally they highlight a level of political risk for Sinema, whose unapologetic defense of the industry’s favorable tax treatment is viewed by many in her party as indefensible.
“From their vantage point, it’s 1,000,000 dollars thoroughly spent,” said Dean Baker, a senior economist on the Center for Economic and Policy Research, a liberal-leaning think tank. “It’s pretty rare you see this direct of a return in your investment. So I assume I’d congratulate them.”
Sinema’s office declined to make her available for an interview. Hannah Hurley, a Sinema spokesperson, acknowledged the senator shares a number of the industry’s views on taxation, but rebuffed any suggestion that the donations influenced her considering.
“Senator Sinema makes every decision based on one criteria: what’s best for Arizona,” Hurley said in an announcement. “She has been clear and consistent for over a 12 months that she’s going to only support tax reforms and revenue options that support Arizona’s economic growth and competitiveness.”
The American Investment Council, a trade group that lobbies on behalf of personal equity, also defended their push to defeat the tax provisions.
“Our team worked to be sure that members of Congress from each side of the aisle understand how private equity directly employs staff and supports small businesses throughout their communities,” Drew Maloney, the organization’s CEO and president, said in an announcement.
Sinema’s defense of the tax provisions offer a jarring contrast to her background as a Green Party activist and self-styled “Prada socialist” who once likened accepting campaign money to “bribery” and later called for “big corporations & the wealthy to pay their fair proportion” shortly before launching her first campaign for Congress in 2012.
She’s been way more magnanimous since, praising private equity in 2016 from the House floor for providing “billions of dollars every year to Primary Street businesses” and later interning at a non-public equity mogul’s boutique winery in northern California through the 2020 congressional recess.
The soaring contributions from the industry to Sinema trace back to last summer. That’s when she first made clear that she wouldn’t support a carried interest tax increase, in addition to other corporate and business tax hikes, included in an earlier iteration of Biden’s agenda.
During a two-week period in September alone, Sinema collected $47,100 in contributions from 16 high-ranking officials from the private equity firm Welsh, Carson, Anderson & Stowe, records show. Employees and executives of KKR, one other private equity behemoth, contributed $44,100 to Sinema during a two-month span in late 2021.
In some cases, the families of personal equity managers joined in. David Belluck, a partner on the firm Riverside Partners, gave a $5,800 max-out contribution to Sinema sooner or later in late June. So did three of his college-age kids, with the family collectively donating $23,200, records show.
“I generally support centrist Democrats and her seat is essential to maintain a Democratic Senate majority,” Belluck said, adding that his family has known Sinema since her election to Congress. “She and I actually have never discussed private equity taxation.”
The donations from the industry coincide with a $26 million lobbying effort spearheaded by the investment firm Blackstone that culminated on the Senate floor last weekend.
By the point the bill was up for debate during a marathon series of votes, Sinema had already forced Democrats to desert their carried interest tax increase.
“Senator Sinema said she wouldn’t vote for the bill .. unless we took it out,” Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer told reporters last week. “We had no selection.”
But after private equity lobbyists discovered a provision within the bill that might have subjected lots of them to a separate 15% corporate minimum tax, they urgently pressed Sinema and other centrist Democrats for changes, in keeping with emails in addition to 4 individuals with direct knowledge of the matter who requested anonymity to debate internal deliberations.
Sen. Kyrsten Sinema, D-Ariz., is seen during a Senate vote within the U.S. Capitol on Thursday, August, 4, 2022.
Tom Williams via Getty Images
“Given the breaking nature of this development we want as many offices as possible weighing in with concerns to Leader Schumer’s office,” Blackstone lobbyist Ryan McConaghy wrote in a Saturday afternoon email obtained by the AP, which included proposed language for modifying the bill. “Would you and your boss be willing to boost the alarm on this and express concerns with Schumer and team?”
McConaghy didn’t reply to a request for comment.
Sinema worked with Republicans on an amendment that stripped the company tax increase provisions from the bill, which a handful of vulnerable Democrats also voted for.
“Since she has been in Congress, Kyrsten has consistently supported pro-growth policies that encourage job creation across Arizona. Her tax policy positions and deal with growing Arizona’s economy and competitiveness are longstanding and well-known,” Hurley, the Sinema spokesperson, said.
But many in her party disagree. They are saying the favorable treatment does little to spice up the general economy and argue there’s little compelling evidence to suggest the tax advantages are enjoyed beyond a number of the wealthiest investors.
A few of Sinema’s donors make their case.
Blackstone, a major source of campaign contributions, owns large tracts of real estate in Sinema’s home state, Arizona. The firm was condemned by United Nations experts in 2019 who said Blackstone’s financial model was chargeable for a “financialization of housing” that has driven up rents and residential costs, “pushing low-income, and increasingly middle-income people from their homes.”
Blackstone employees executives and their members of the family have given Sinema $44,000 since 2018, records show.
In an announcement, Blackstone called the allegations by the U.N. experts “false and misleading” and said all worker contributions are “strictly personal.” The firm added that it was “incredibly pleased with its investments in housing.”
One other major financial services donor is Centerbridge Partners, a Recent York-based firm that buys up the debt of distressed governments and firms and infrequently uses hardball tactics to extract value. Since 2017, Sinema has collected not less than $29,000 from donors related to the firm, including co-founder Mark Gallogly and his wife, Elizabeth Strickler, records show.
In 2012, Centerbridge Partners purchased Arizona-based restaurant chain P.F. Chang’s for roughly $1 billion. After loading the struggling company up with $675 million of debt, they sold it to a different private equity group in 2019, in keeping with Bloomberg News. The corporate received a $10 million coronavirus aid loan to cover payroll, but shed jobs and closed locations because it struggled with the pandemic.
Centerbridge Partners was also a part of a consortium of hedge funds that helped usher in an era of austerity in Puerto Rico after buying up billions of dollars of the island government’s $72 billion debt — and filing legal proceedings to gather. A subsidiary of Centerbridge Partners was amongst a gaggle of creditors who repeatedly sued considered one of the U.S. territory’s pension funds. In a single 2016 lawsuit, the group of creditors asked a judge to divert money from a Puerto Rican pension fund so as to collect.
A Centerbridge representative couldn’t immediately provide comment Friday.
Liberal activists in Arizona say they plan to make Sinema’s reliance on donations from wealthy investors a campaign issue when she is up for reelection in 2024.
“There are numerous takes on learn how to win, but there isn’t a universe during which it’s politically smart to fight for favorable tax treatment of the wealthiest people within the country,” said Emily Kirkland, a political consultant who works for progressive candidates. “It’s absolutely going to be a potent issue.”
Associated Press author Josh Boak contributed to this report.